Author . 



Title 



Imprint. 



1C-H17372-2 3PO 



POINSETT'S MISSION TO MEXICO 




BY 



WILLIAM R. MANNING 






, REPRINTED FROM 

tHE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

OCTOBER, 1913 



y 





POINSETT'S MISSION TO MEXICO: A DISCUSSION OF HIS 
INTERFERENCE IN INTERNAL AFFAIRS 

The first United States minister to Mexico was Joel R. Poinsett. To 
the ordinary mind, however, his chief title to fame does not rest on his 
filling this or a number of other official posts; but on the fact that he 
made known to the world the beautiful Christmas flower which in honor 
of him was named "poinsettia." But even this discovery was a result 
of his diplomatic appointment; for it was while on his mission to Mexico 
that he observed it and brought it to the attention of botanists. It is 
the purpose of this article to study only the minister's personal conduct 
while in Mexico and his relations with the govermnent and people, 
explaining the grounds for the charges made against him of meddling 
in the internal affairs of the country.* 

DIFFICULTIES AND DELAYS IN CHOOSING A MINISTER 

While Poinsett was the first minister to reach Mexico, he was not the 
first appointed to fill the post. In order to understand the reasons for 
the delay in making the appointment and to appreciate the difficulties 
which Poinsett felt were a consequence of that delay, it will be desirable 
to study with some fulness the various efforts made to fill the post dur- 
ing the two years preceding Poinsett's appointment. The relations be- 
tween these efforts and current political issues in the United States were 
very intimate and interesting. In January of 1823, John Quincy Adams, 
Secretary of State, suggested to President Monroe that the Mexican 
mission be offered to Andrew Jackson. The President thought Jackson's 
quickness and violence of temper might make the expediency of his 

* The negotiations conducted by him while there will be published later by the 
Johns Hopkins Press under the title, Diplomatic Relations between Mexico and the 
United States from 1821 to 1829, in the series of Albert Shaw Lectures on diplomatic 
history. That study will include also most of the contents of this article, but in a 
modified form. 

781 



782 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

appointment questionable. Adams believed he would do nothing to 
injure the interests of his country; but said there was a more serious 
difficulty. The legislature of Tennessee had nominated him for the 
presidency in the election to take place next year. To send him on a 
mission would look like trying to get him out of the way. The Presi- 
dent agreed there was some danger of that.^ 

To get Jackson out of the way was exactly what Adams wanted to 
do, though he probably would not have admitted it even to himself. 
But of course he did not want it to look as if he were trying to do so. 
He had already attempted to rid himself of a still more formidable rival, 
as he thought, by suggesting that Henry Clay be honored by being ap- 
pointed first minister to Colombia, as a reward for Clay's long and en- 
thusiastic advocacy of the cause of human liberty and the recognition of 
the independence of the Spanish-American states, which advocacy had 
considerably embarrassed Adams in the slow, cautious policy which he 
had pursued in the matter.^ In spite of the difficulty, however, Adams 
addressed a letter to Jackson on February 19, 1823, enclosing the lat- 
ter's commission from the President as minister to Mexico, adding the 
gentle compliment, "Permit me to express my own hopes that our 
country may on this occasion have the benefit of your services." ^ The 
honor came as a complete surprise to Jackson; but he rose to the occa- 
sion. Nearly a month later he repUed that the President had said he 
was under no obligation to accept since he had not been consulted be- 
fore the nomination was made. As a sort of sugar-coating for the dose 
of disappointment, and to conceal his real motive as artfully as Adams 
had done, Jackson said he believed no American minister could at the 
time effect any beneficial treaty with Mexico, because that country 
was engaged in a new struggle for liberty against the efforts of the usurper 
Iturbide to establish himself as emperor. Furthermore, because of 

1 Adams, Memoirs, VI, 128. 

2 Adams, Memoirs, VI, 26. It is interesting to notice the magnanimity with 
which Adams felt he was acting. He says: "In pursuing a generous policy towards 
him, as an enemy and a rival, I do some violence to my inclination, and shall be none 
the better treated by him; but I look to personal considerations only to discard them, 
and regard only the public interests." 

* Adams to Jackson, Feb. 19, 1823, MS. Department of State, Instructions, IX, 
169. 



/.Vi:-' r 



Poinsett's mission to mexico 783 

Jackson's well known sympathies for the republicans of Mexico he 
thought it would be embarrassing for him to go as minister to the im- 
perial government/ 

The expected collapse of Iturbide's empire very shortly after Jack- 
son's refusal of the mission and the long period of uncertainty, during 
which the Mexican Government was being reorganized, caused the 
government at Washington to abandon for the time its efforts to fill 
the post. It was not until the beginning of the next year that the matter 
was again seriously taken up. On January 5, 1824, Adams entered in 
his diary the fact that he had discussed the fitness of Ninian Edwards 
for the mission. Edwards had been territorial governor of Illinois during 
the whole of that commonwealth's territorial period and was just about 
to complete his term as one of the first two senators from that new 
State. On January 17, Adams says he had urged President Monroe 
to appoint Edwards although he felt that he had been mistreated by 
Edwards. The President favored G. M. Dallas who was also urged for 
the appointment by the Pennsylvania delegation in Congress. But 
Adams opposed Dallas on the ground that "he was not yet of the age 
and political standing *,suitable for that appointment." The fact that 
the relation of the appointment to the coming presidential election was 
a matter for serious consideration is evident from Adams' statement, 
"as to its bearing on the presidential election, I must be indifferent be- 
tween Mr. Edwards and Mr. Dallas, both of whom are avowed partisans 
of Mr. Calhoun." ^ He was apparently satisfied that the post should 
go to the Calhomiites, since the great South Carolinian's ambition had 
been postponed for the present by conceding to him the position of 
Vice-President on the ticket in the famous contest of that year. Adams' 
influence prevailed. Edwards was nominated, and on March 4, 1824, 
his nomination was confirmed by the Senate.^ A few days later he re- 

* Jackson to Adams, March 15, 1823, MS. Dept. of State, Mexico, Despatches, I. 
Between the time of Jackson's appointment and his refusal, Zozaya, the Mexican 
minister lately arrived in Washington, wrote his government of the choice, and the 
probability that Jackson would not accept. La Diplomacia Mexicana, I, 104. The 
date of Zozaya's note is incorrectly given. Reeves, J. S., Diplomacy under Tyler and 
Polk, 60, mentions Jackson's appointment and refusal. 

6 Adams, Memoirs, VI, 227, 233, 234, 241, 243. 

• Jackson to Edwards, March 4, 1824, congratulating him on his appointment. 



784 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

signed his seat in that body, and in less than a month had left Wash- 
ington for his home in Illinois to prepare for an early departure for 
Mexico.^ 

At this juncture the relation between the appointment to Mexico 
and the notorious presidential contest of 1824 becomes more intimate 
and interesting. Just about the time Edwards was leaving Washington 
some unkind things were said about him by supporters of Crawford, the 
fourth candidate for the presidency. While on his way towards Illinois 
Edwards returned the compliment by addressing to the House of Repre- 
sentatives a communication declaring himself to have been the author 
■of an anonymous statement which had appeared some time before 
charging Crawford with official misconduct as Secretary of the Treasury. 
He now renewed the accusation. This caused great excitement. 
A Congressional investigating committee was appointed, and given 
power to send for persons and papers. Monroe was very indignant at 
Edwards and thought he ought to resign at once. He instructed Adams 
to request Edwards not to proceed on his mission for the present but 
to await the orders of the committee.^ He did so and returned to Wash- 
ington. The investigation was political rather than judicial, and emi- 
nently unfair to Edwards, being in the hands of Crawford's friends. 
Calhoun had foreseen that it would be so. In a preliminary report of 
the Senate committee all the facts charged by Edwards were admitted ; 
but Crawford was acquitted of any evil intention. Then to throw dust 
into the air in the hope that Crawford might hide behind the cloud, 

Washbume, The Edwards Papers, 222; Rufus King to Edwards, March 4, 1824, ibid., 
222; Adams, Memoirs, VI, 245. 

^ Edwards to Adams, March 9, 1824, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp. I. This 
shows anxiety to get to Vera Cruz as soon as possible to avoid being on the coast 
during the rainy, sickly season. 

Torrens to Secretario, Washington, 23 de Marzo de 1824, MS. Relaciones Ex- 
teriores. In this letter the Mexican charge told his government of Edwards' ap- 
pointment, resignation from the Senate, and proposed route, saying he would prob- 
ably arrive in July. 

8 Adams to Edwards, April 22, 1824, MS. Dept. of State, Instr., X, 171; Adams, 
Memoirs, VI, 296-301; D. P. Cook to Edwards, April 17, 1824, Washbume, The 
Edwards Papers, 223. 

Torrens to Secretario, 5 de Mayo de 1824, MS. Relaciones Exteriores, said it was 
thought that another minister would be chosen, since it was supposed Mexico would 
take Edwards' appointment as an insult. 



" POINSETT^ MISSION TO MEXICO 785 

some indiscreet things Edwards had said and done were brought for- 
ward and discussed. Monroe brought pressure to bear and on June 22, 
after he found further resistance hopeless, Edwards resigned, declaring 
to the President that he thereby made a voluntary surrender of what 
his enemies had tried to force from him, and that his sole reason for 
doing it was to relieve Monroe from any further embarrassment be- 
cause of him. A cabinet meeting in session when the resignation was 
presented agreed that Edwards was a much injured man.^ This 
Edwards-Crawford controversy occupied most of the attention of the 
cabinet meetings from May 18 to June 22, if it is safe to judge from the 
space given to it in the hundred pages of Adams' diary covering this 
period. ^° It was the influence which the affair exerted on the election^ 
and the fact that the administration was dragged into the controversy 
that made it seem so immensely important. 

The resignation of Edwards left the Mexican post still vacant, and 
the interests of the United States in Mexico still neglected. Almost 
another year passed before the appointment was made again. Some 
suspected and charged that this and other vacant diplomatic posts were- 
being held open by Adams to purchase support in the presidential con- 
flict. He declared that this was a mistaken notion, and that he would as 
soon all should be filled; but still they remained open. The threatened 
return to power of Iturbide after his year of exile had something to do 
with again delaying the Mexican appointment. As the delay lengthened 
the number of candidates for the Mexican place increased. The most 
prominent were Dallas, who had been urged when Edwards was ap- 
pointed, and who later became Vice-President; Henry Wheaton, later 
so prominent in American diplomacy and as a writer on international 

' Edwards to the President, June 22, 1824, enclosing his resignation of same date 
and saying he was undecided whether he should accompany it with an explanation 
of his reasons, MS. Dept. of State, Mex. Desp., I; same to same, same date, in Wash- 
burne. The Edwards Papers, 224-229, explains at length his reasons. 

An amount equal to a full year's salary, $9,000, had been advanced to Edwards 
to purchase an outfit, and the government experienced difficulty in getting him to 
refund. He finally agreed to repay two thirds, though he said he believed the govern- 
ment had no legal right to claim it. Adams to Edwards, Oct. 9, 1824, MS. Dept. 
of State, Instr., X, 213; Edwards to Adams, Nov. 10, 1824, MS. Dept. of State, Mex. 
Desp., I. 

10 Adams, Memoirs, VI, 296-395. 



786 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

law; Thomas H. Benton, who was urged for the place by Poinsett when 
Monroe first suggested the latter for it; and William H. Harrison, whom 
Clay favored for the place, who was himself anxious for it and had 
solicited and obtained many recommendations for it, and who was later 
appointed minister to Colombia. ^^ 

The long neglected Mexican mission was filled almost immediately 
after the new administration began and less than a month after the long 
drawn out presidential contest had been brought to a close by the choice 
of Adams in the House of Representatives. On March 5, 1825, the next 
day after his inauguration, Adams sent for Poinsett and offered him the 
place. He, too, had been a supporter of Calhoun, now Vice-President, 
and his appointment had been considered when in the preceding summer 
the resignation of Edwards was imminent. In July of that year. South- 
ard, of the Navy Department, had asked him confidentially if he was 
willing to go to Mexico, if he could go at once, and if his absence would 
affect the vote of his State in the coming election. -^^ In November a 
long very cordial letter from a very intimate friend had closed with the 
statement: "As I perceive no appointment yet made for Mexico I can- 
not avoid hoping that if our presidential question can be fortunately 
adjusted, the one which we all desire may yet be made." ^^ In January, 
Monroe had offered Poinsett the place; but Poinsett urged Benton in- 
stead. The reasons for Poinsett's self-denial Adams discovered la,ter. 
As soon as the House of Representatives had decided that Adams should 
be President the Calhounites began urging Poinsett for the office of 
Secretary of State to forestall the expected appointment of Clay; but 
in spite of the opposition, and in spite of the fact, which Adams and 
Clay foresaw, that it would give color to the "corrupt bargain" cry, 

11 Adams, Memoirs, VI, 413-415, 484-524; Lyman, Diplomacy of the United States, 
II, 484. 

Obregon to Secretario, 2 de Febrero de 1825, MS. Rel. Ext., says in order to pre- 
vent the Mexican appointment from being regarded as a price for purchasing votes, 
it appeared that the post would be filled at once. He expected the appointment to 
go to Benton, or to Everett (later appointed to Madrid); but said nevertheless it 
may be that the project will prevail for sending Mr. Poinsett, a person known in 
Mexico. 

12 Southard to Poinsett, Navy Department, July 17, 1824, MS. Poinsett Papers, 
II, Pennsylvania Historical Society. 

13 Stephen ElUot to Pomsett, Charleston, Nov. 16, 1824, MS. Poinsett Papers, II. 



Poinsett's mission to mexico • 787 

and in spite of the fact that Adams disliked Clay personally, this most 
important appointment at his disposal was given to Clay. This ex- 
alted position having eluded Poinsett's grasp, and having been assured 
that his nominee, Benton, would not get the position in any case, he 
was willing enough to accept. He did so on March 6, the next day 
after Adams had tendered him the appointment. Clay wished William 
H. Harrison to have it; but he had no objection to Poinsett. ^^ Two 
days later the appointment was confirmed by the Senate. 

Probably no man in the country had the knowledge and experience 
which should so well qualify him for the place. At the time of his ap- 
pointment he was a Congressman from South Carolina. He was a 
careful student and a polished gentleman. He had traveled extensively 
in Europe. > In 1810 he had gone to South America with a commission 
from President Madison to report on conditions in Argentina and Chile, 
then just beginning their struggle for independence. In 1822 he went 
on a similar mission to Mexico, was favorably received, learned much 
of the country and people, and made an intelligent and, as events proved, 
a prophetic report to the State Department which was the principal 
reliance of the government in shaping its policy with reference to Mex- 
ico.^'' In 1824, he published his Notes on Mexico, giving an account of 
his travels two years earlier and his comments on political conditions. ^^ 

" Adams, Memoirs, VI, 484, 506, 522-524. 

Obregon told his government, March 7, that, as he had formerly suggested might 
happen, Poinsett had been selected and would start early next month. Obregon to 
Secretario, 7 de Marzo de 1825, MS. Rel. Ext. Same to same, 28 de JVJarzo and 30 
de Marzo, ibid., tell of Poinsett's departure f&r Norfolk whence he would sail for 
Mexico. He was taking for Obregon to the Mexican Foreign Office a number of 
books and newspapers. 

" Poinsett's Report, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., DupUcate Despatches from Poin- 
sett. This report covers sixty manuscript pages and is accompanied by an appendix 
of documents about equal in length. It begins with the Iturbidist movement in 
February of 1821; tells in considerable detail of the struggles between Iturbide and 
the legislative body, of the erection of the empire and of the ambition and stubborn- 
ness of the Emperor, and of the beginning of the movement against him; and closes 
in December, 1822. 

1^ Poinsett, Notes on Mexico made in the autumn of 1822, accompanied by an His- 
torical Sketch of the Revolution, and Official Reports, 359 pages. See Zavala, Ensayo 
Historico, I, 241, which pays a tribute to Poinsett's astuteness in foretelling events. 
Brown's History of Texas, I, 81, gives a very incorrect accoimt of Poinsett's career 
up to the time of his arrival in Mexico. 



788 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

INSTRUCTIONS, ARRIVAL IN MEXICO, AND RECEPTION 

In the instructions which Clay drew up on March 26, 1825, to govern 
Poinsett's conduct in Mexico, the latter was reminded of the great in- 
terest in and importance of his mission. Its purpose was "to lay for 
the first time the foundations of an intercourse of amity, commerce, 
navigation, and neighborhood which may exert a powerful influence for 
a long period upon the prosperity of both states." The fact is dwelt 
upon that the territory of the United Mexican States is coterminous 
with that of the United States, rendering the relations with them more 
important than with any other of the new states. He was told that in 
point of population, position, and resources, they rank among the first 
powers of America; and that their early history is not surpassed in 
interest by that of any other part of America. He was to bring to the 
attention of the Mexican Government the kindly feeling and sympathy 
with which the United States had looked upon the long struggle of the 
new states against the tyraimy of Spain; the fact that the United States 
had recognized their independence at the earliest practicable moment 
and long before any other country had done so; and the message of 
President Monroe warning European governments against interfering 
in the affairs of the American states. He was to say, however, that the 
United States expected in return no special favors or privileges; but this 
government did expect that no such favors or privileges would be ex- 
tended to any European power unless at the same time they were ex- 
tended to the United States. He was asked to express the compliment 
felt by the United States that the Mexican states had copied so largely 
the federal constitution of the former; and was told to show an unob- 
trusive readiness to explain to the Mexican Government the workings 
of that constitution.^'^ 

" Clay to Poinsett, Instructions, March 26, 1825, MS. Dept. of State, Instr., X, 
225. Extracts from these instructions containing most of the facts given above are 
printed in American State Papers, Foreign Relations, V, 908, and VI, 278, and in 
British and Foreign State Papers, XIII, 485, under the date March 25. The auto- 
graph copy of these instructions in the archives of the American Embassy in Mexico 
bears the date March 25. 

Only such portions of Poinsett's instructions are mentioned above as could have 
influenced his personal conduct in his relations to the Mexican Government. The 
instructions intended to govern his negotiations wiU be studied in connection with 
those negotiations. 



Poinsett's mission to mexico 789 

It was Poinsett's over-enthusiastic belief in the absolute necessity of 
maintaining the federal form of government, when he found that cen- 
tralizing tendencies in Mexico threatened its overthrow, which led him 
to engage in the activities that gave rise to the charges against him of 
meddling in the internal affairs of Mexico. And it was in this injunc- 
tion of Clay's to show an unobtrusive readiness to explain to the Mexican 
Government the workings of the constitution that he could find the 
only excuse for his actions. Obregon wrote his government that Poinsett 
was pronounced in favor of the cause of the American continent and the 
republican system; that he had a good opinion of the state of Mexico; 
and that he was especially instructed to prevent England from being 
granted special favors in return for her tardy recognition. He told of 
Poinsett's visit to Mexico in 1822 and of his memoirs subsequently pub- 
lished; and inserted a line in cipher declaring, "in my conception he is 
not a person of great talents." ^^ 

While this appointment had been knocked about as the football of 
politicians in Washington, American interests at the new capital were 
being neglected. The United States might have turned to good account 
the advantage she naturally gained by recognizing the independence of 
Mexico and other Spanish American states nearly three years before 
England took the same step. But when on May 5, 1825, Poinsett wrote 
from Vera Cruz giving notice of his arrival, he had to report that British 
agents had anticipated him in making a treaty. The commissioners 

. -^ „ en mi co n ce p to no es pe_ r so na 

18 The cipher is as follows: 26 315 Tii 53 TlT 33 118 552 551 321 318 120 521 215 

S h io 1-15- i T2T I2- It 115- Ik 12-r Obregon to Secretario, 30 de Marzo de 
1825, MS. Rel. Ext. 

C. C. CambreUng wrote Poinsett from New York, March 30, 1825, a friendly face- 
tious letter saying among other things: "Make a good commercial treaty for us and 
take care that John Bull gets no advantage of you — if anything get the weather 
gauge of him. If you can get Texas for some of the lands of the poor Indians of 
the wilderness you will soon be a great man among us — or if you can contrive to 
make Cuba independent, protected by the United States, Mexico and Colombia, 
you have a fair chance and I wish you luck — ^for it is pretty much everything m 
political whatever it may be in other matters." This familiar comment probably 
reflected pretty closely what his friend knew to be Poinsett's own sentiments. The 
latter's actions with reference to the three matters here specifically mentioned, Brit- 
ish influence, Texas, and Cuba, show that these playful injunctions did not fall on 
deaf ears, though his poUcy varied in detail from these suggestions. 



790 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

from that country had arrived two months earher, just about the time 
of Poinsett's appointment. The treaty was already concluded; the 
lower house of the Mexican Congress had already ratified it and he 
had no doubt the Senate would do so soon.^^ American abstract recog- 
nition and philanthropic declarations had interested Mexico for a time 
and had elicited admiration and gratitude; but dilatoriness in opening 
communications had made American relations seem cold and Platonic. 
If England's advances had been long delayed they had been pressed 
with ardor when once begun, and had elicited an enthusiastic response. 
Herein was the beginning of Poinsett's troubles. At a later period many 
Mexican writers looking back to the time of Poinsett's arrival and 
firmly believing, though unable to produce conclusive evidence, that 
he was largely responsible for the confusion and disorders into which 
the country had fallen, alluded to his arrival as an unlucky or dismal 
day for the republic.-" 

In Poinsett's letter of May 5, mentioned above, he announced that 
he would leave Vera Cruz the next day and proceed with all possible 
despatch to the capital. But the speed he made was of the Spanish 
variety. He reported that his reception everywhere was friendly. The 
attentions given him were not only respectful, but extremely kind. He 
was accorded military honors and every distinction. As customary 
he went to Jalapa and waited there for a reply to his note informing 
the government of his arrival. ^^ While at Jalapa he was informed that 

" Poinsett to Clay, Vera Cruz, May 5, 1825, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., I. 

^'^ The following quotation from the Voz de la Patria, II, num. 7, 11 de Febrero de 
1830, is typical of the bitterly prejudiced (but then, and for some time previous, 
generally believed), statements of the character and influence of Poinsett. Review- 
ing the history of the government during the time of Poinsett's mission, the writer 
says: "En este misma aciago dia, un correo estraordinario Uegado de Veracruz avisd 
que habia desembarcado Mr. Rieardo Joel Poinsett [sic], ministro plenipotenciario 
de los Estados-Unidos del Norte de America: al saberla el general Wilkinson que 
se hallaba en Mexico, pregunt6 el que le anunci6 esta nueva, ique crimen habria 
cometido este desgraciado pueblo, que el cielo en su c6lera le mandaba tal hombre 
para que le cause las mayores desgracias? Dentro de breve se cumpli6 este vaticinio." 

21 Poinsett to Clay, Vera Cruz, May 5, 1825, as cited in note 19; and same to same, 
Mexico, May 28, 1825, MS. Dept. of State., Mex., Desp., I. 

Governor Barragan to Secretario, Vera Cruz, 3 de Mayo de 1825, told of Poinsett's 
arrival and said provision had been made for his journey and his lodgment at Jalapa. 
A reply of 10 de Mayo approves the governor's conduct. Poinsett to Alaman, Sacri- 



Poinsett's mission to Mexico 791 

he would be expected to delay his entrance into the City of Mexico until 
the conclusion of a five days' religious festival which was being celebrated 
at San Augustin, a village just outside the capital. During the delay he 
lodged at the country home of Wilcocks,the United States consul, nearby, 
and visited the scene of festivity every day. The holidays, he reported, 
were celebrated by early mass and late orgies. From daylight to ten 
o'clock the churches were filled. At twelve all went to the cock-pit. 
The afternoon and night were passed in gambling, in which all ages, 
sexes, and conditions joined; and in dancing on the green as long as 
daylight lasted, then after dark in the cock-pit. It was in the cock-pit 
that he had the honor of meeting two members of the cabinet, the 
Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Treasury. He entered the 
capital on May 25.^^ Next day he announced to Alaman his presence 
and asked for an opportunity to present his credentials. Alaman re- 
plied May 27, appointing June 1 for Poinsett's reception by the Presi- 
dent.^^ 

On the day preceding Poinsett's reception the British charge. Ward, 
was formally received by President Victoria. On that occasion the 
latter had emphasized the importance of Great Britain's recognition of 
Mexican independence, alluded to the English as ''that great people 
who sustain the liberties of the world," and said he had every reason to 
believe that the friendship of the two nations would be perpetual. In 
Poinsett's report to Clay he said that in view of this speech he thought it 
necessary to set the conduct of the United States toward these countries 
in its true light; and in a cipher paragraph added: "It is manifest that 
the British have made good use of their time and opportunities. The 
President and three of the Secretaries — ^those of State, Treasury, and 
Ecclesiastical Affairs — are in their interest. We have a very respectable 
party in both houses of Congress; and a vast majority of the people are 

ficios, May 4, 1825, gives official notice of his arrival. A reply of 10 de Mayo ac- 
knowledges Poinsett's note, encloses a passport for him to continue his journey to 
the capital, and tells him that orders had been given providing for the security and 
comfort of the trip. Alaman to Governor of Puebla, 10 de Mayo, instructs the latter 
to provide for Poinsett. A reply of 15 de Mayo says the order had been received 
and complied with, and Poinsett had just arrived. All these are in MSS. Rel. Ext. 

22 Poinsett to Clay, May 28, 1825, as cited La note 21. 

23 Poinsett to Alaman, May 26, 1825, and Alaman to Poinsett, 27 de Mayo de 
1825, MSS. Rel. Ext. 



792 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

in favor of the strictest union with the United States. They regard the 
British with distrust." In the speech which he felt called upon to make 
at his own presentation next day, Poinsett seized the opportunity to 
say, as Clay had instructed, that it was peculiarly flattering to the 
United States that a constitution so similar to their own had been 
adopted by Mexico. Then he dwelt upon the sympathy with which the 
government and people of the United States had watched the progress 
of the movement toward independence; told of the recognition of that 
independence within less than a year after it was declared; and men- 
tioned the subsequent declaration against any attempt of any European 
government to deprive them of independence. In these steps, he re- 
minded them, the United States had taken the lead; and now the freest 
government of Europe had followed. President Victoria's brief reply 
was respectful, but entirely non-committal and lacked the enthusiasm 
which marked his speech to the British representative the preceding 
day.^^ Thus early Poinsett began definitely to endeavor to exert an 
influence on the Mexican Government and counteract what he thought 
was undue English influence. It is clear, however, that he did this not 
for his own pleasure or profit, nor even for the benefit of the United 
States, but for the good of Mexico especially, and incidentally for the 
advantage of all the free governments of America as opposed to the 
despotic system of the European powers. 

BRITISH INFLUENCE DISPLACED BY AMERICAN 

In Poinsett's mind he early divided all Mexicans into two classes, 
those friendly to the American system championed by the United States, 

24 Poinsett to Clay, June 4, 1S25, enclosing a copy of the speech of President Vic- 
toria to the British charge, May 31; Poinsett's address of June 1; Victoria's reply 
to the last of same date; Wilcocks to Poinsett, May 12, 1825; and Poinsett's reply 
to the last of May 15, arranging the reception ceremonies; all in MSS. Dept. of 
State, Max., Desp., I. Poinsett's address and Victoria's reply are printed in Bo- 
canegra, Memorias para la Historia de Mexico, I, 379-382. A copy of Poinsett's 
speech in English with a Spanish translation are in MSS. Rel. Ext. With them is 
Poinsett's credential letter dated March 14, 1825, and signed by J. Q. Adams and 
H. Clay. An account of these receptions in Voz de la Patria, II, num. 7, compares 
Ward with Poinsett, complimenting the latter's linguistic ability, but casting reflec- 
tions on his character: "El dia primero de Junio hizo lo mismo Mr. Poinsett, enviado' 
de Norte America: su arenga estuvo mejor dicha que la del de Inglaterra, y mas larga, 



Poinsett's mission to mexico 793 

and those friendly to the European system championed by England. In 
a cipher paragraph of a letter to Clay of August 5, 1825, he said the 
President of Mexico was a weak man and was controlled by his minis- 
ters, especially the Secretary of State and Secretary of the Treasury. 
The former (Alaman) was a man of good natural talents and better 
educated than was common among men of his class in Mexico. He was 
director of an English mining company and consequently favored Brit- 
ish interests. The latter (Esteva) was a man of tolerable ability but 
without education. He was attached to England because Englishmen 
of means loaned the government money to help him out of his official 
difficulties. From this, English influence had profited enormously. 
These opinions, he said, were not the result of the treatment he had 
received, for that had been only the most friendly. On the other hand 
he added: "There is an American party in the House of Representatives 
and in the Senate, in point of talents much the strongest; but the gov- 
ernment have an ascendency over both bodies." ^^ 

On September 24, Clay replied that the prevalence of British influence 
in Mexico was to be regretted; but that it could hardly be made the 
subject of formal complaint if it were merely the effect of British power 
and British capital fairly exerted, and if not rewarded by favors to 
British commerce or British subjects to the prejudice of American. 
But, he added, against any partiality or preference to any foreign na- 
tion to the disadvantage of the United States Poinsett was to remon- 
strate.^^ 

Before this cautious advice could reach Mexico a sort of palace revolu- 
tion had occurred. The strongest British sympathizers had left the 
cabinet and those who remained, as well as President Victoria, were 
entirely favorable to the United States. Poinsett was in high favor. 
How it happened is told in a letter to Clay of October 12, 1825, all ui 
pues posee el idioma espanol muy regularmente por desgracia nuestra, para causarnos 
infinites males." 

25 Poinsett to Clay, Aug. 5, 1825, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., I. The brief 
paragraph quoted above telling of the American party appears in the copy of the 
letter in the volume of Duplicate Despatches but not in the regular volume. 

28 Clay to Poinsett, Sept. 24, 1825, MS. Dept. of State, Instr., X, 225. This para- 
graph is not contained in any of the printed extracts from this letter. This letter of 
Clay was written before he had received Poinsett's of August 5. That came to the 
State Department October 3. 



794 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

cipher and covering twelve pages. Poinsett began by telling how Eng- 
land had Secured her overwhelming influence. In 1823, after the over- 
throw of Iturbide, Victoria had met the unofficial British agent, Dr. 
Mackey, who had proposed that Mexico should offer certain commercial 
privileges to Great Britain in return for British recognition. A Mexican 
agent was thereupon sent to London to invite that government to send 
commissioners to treat, hinting that they might expect privileges. In 
response to this invitation the commissioners had come and had con- 
cluded a treaty. Victoria thus considered the establishment of friendly 
relations with England his own work. A flattering personal letter from 
Canning had further bound him to the English cause. He further said 
the English commissioners had won over Tornel, the President's secre- 
tary, whom Poinsett calls "a vain and venal man," and further on, "& 
very bad man without a single redeeming quality," and believed "to 
be in the pay of the British charges d'affaires." He exercised a great 
influence over Victoria. So did Alaman, the Secretary of State, and 
Esteva, of the Treasury. These three had concocted a scheme to intro- 
duce into the cabinet the Bishop of Puebla, a European Spaniard, whose 
influence was dangerous to these countries; but counter-influence pre- 
vented the appointment and set about an attempt to induce the Presi- 
dent to dismiss Alaman. The British charge. Ward, because of personal 
pique at Alaman, exerted his influence to the same end. Alaman, learn- 
ing of the combination against him, resigned. Then came the revolu- 
tion. Esteva had already deserted Alaman and, Poinsett continued, 
"hastened to assure me of his earnest desire to see our countries united 
and an American system formed on the principles he knew I had at 
heart. * * * Esteva is a man of great activity and of some talents; 
he came over to the American party only because he perceived the im- 
possibility of sustaining himself independently of it." Victoria's atti- 
tude also suddenly changed. Of him Poinsett said, "The President 
sent me word that he wished to have an interview with me, and not- 
withstanding I requested him to appoint a time convenient to him to 
receive me, he insisted on coming to me. Our interview was very friendly 
and in the course of it he gave me repeated assurances of regard for the 
United States and of his American sentiments. The President is a very 
good man with no bad dispositions, but he is very vain and is badly 



POINSETT S MISSION TO MEXICO 795 

surrounded." It had been suggested to Poinsett that Victoria's attach- 
ment to England sprang from a hope that Great Britain might assist in 
placing a Mexican on the throne of Mexico to prevent other powers of 
Europe from placing a member of some of their royal houses on the 
throne. Poinsett thought the President was unwilhng to leave office; 
but the constitution forbade his reelection, which under the circum- 
stances was a dangerous provision. He declared that Victoria was not 
and never would be a real friend to the United States. He had become 
reconciled to Poinsett but dishked him. The man who had suggested 
Victoria's dynastic ambition and had been most influential in ousting 
Alaman and effecting this change in the sentiments of the executive 
was Arispe, a daring and intriguing man of talents professing a zeal 
for America and declaring himself anxious to promote Poinsett's views. 
He had been useful but Poinsett did not repose entire confidence in 
him. Neither did he feel any confidence in Esteva, for, he said, "on 
the very day that he declared himself to me he told the grossest false- 
hoods of me to Mr. Ward, which occasioned in great measure the dif- 
ference between that gentleman and myself. The state of society here 
is scarcely to be credited. I hardly know a man however high his rank 
or office whose word can be reHed on." Poinsett declared he would 
have kept aloof from such men, but he had found it necessary to form 
a party out of such elements as the country afforded, or leave the Eng- 
lish complete masters of the field. The friends of the latter country 
were alarmed, and could not conceal their mortification or fears. Ward 
had sent a messenger to Canning with most exaggerated accounts of 
Poinsett's influence. The latter adds, "His want of tact and over- 
wrought exertions may contribute to establish that influence he so 
much dreads." In conclusion Poinsett explained that "The country is 
tranquil and I see no cause to fear any convulsion except that in a re- 
public without virtue and with a large standing army there is always 
danger." ^^ This despatch was dated almost three weeks after the minis- 
terial crisis had occurred. ^^ 

" Poinsett to Clay, Oct. 12, 1825, in cipher covering twelve pages, MS. Dept. of 
State, Mex., Desp., I. 

^ Resignation of Alaman, 23 de Septiembre de 1825, and acceptance of same 27 
de Septiembre de 1825, MSS. Rel. Ext. Zavala, Ensayo Historico, I, 342. 



796 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

To counteract Ward's report to Canning, Poinsett had written to 
Rufus King, the United States minister in London, telHng the circum- 
stances that had occurred in order that King might be able to give any 
explanation that might be needed. In the letter to King he explained 
that Ward had been formmg a European party, which activity had 
resulted in identifying Great Britain's policy with that of the other Euro- 
pean powers. ^^ 

In his long cipher despatch to Clay, Poinsett practically claims to 
have brought about this change in the government through the group 
of men which he alludes to as an American party. Its purpose was to 
resist the centralizing tendency and preserve and perpetuate the federal 
form of government, to which Poinsett was so strongly attached and 
which he believed was the only hope for preserving free government in 
Mexico. Four years later in referring to his part in effecting this peace- 
able democratic revolution, Poinsett explained that the cordiality of 
the democratic party, his own principles, and the hostility of the aris- . 
tocratic party all tended to cause him to seek his associates among the 
popular party. He believed England was making efforts to obtain a 
dominant influence in Mexico as she had in Portugal. He believed too 
that this would be detrimental to the interests of the United States. 
Learning that the democratic party intended to effect a revolution by 
force to get control he advised them to use the more moderate measures 
of organization, use of the franchise, and establishment of their own. 
press. They took his advice and were eminently successful. ^° 

Poinsett's dislike of Tomel, the President's secretary, reflected in his 
report of October 12, above, was heartily reciprocated by the latter. 
He did all he could to counteract Poinsett's influence at the time. And 
in a book which he published several years later he spoke of the minis- 
ter's arrival as an ill-fated hour for the republic; reviewed his career and 
acknowledged his abihty, told of his attracting to himseK little by little 
persons possessed of state secrets and from them organizing a party, 
exciting their natural animosities against their rivals; and characterized 

29 Poinsett to Rufus King, Oct. 10, 1825, enclosed with Poinsett to Clay, Oct. 12, 
1825, cited in note 27. 

50 Poinsett to Secretary of State, March 10, 1829, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., 
Desp., IV. 



Poinsett's mission to mexico 797 

his actions as conduct so foreign to the circumspection of a diplomat. ^^ 
Alaman, too, was bitterly hostile toward Poinsett, as might have been 
expected, and later declared that Poinsett planned to remove the aris- 
tocratic influence from the government to substitute not a democracy, 
for that was impossible in a country in which the mass of the people 
took no part in public affairs, but the uncontrolled domination of a few- 
ambitious individuals of less respectable connections.^^ The testimony 
of both of these is decidedly prejudiced, but it expresses a feeling that 
later became almost universal. And although Poinsett did what he 
felt was for the good of the country, it must be admitted that from the 
standpoint of Tornel, Alaman, and others of their faction, there was 
soine justification for their violent hostility to him, even if there was 
no other ground on which to base their charge that he meddled in Mexi- 
can internal affairs than Poinsett's own account, studied above, of the 
way the change in the government was effected. On the other hand, 
it is certain that Poinsett's belief was not unfounded that England was 
trying through Ward to exert an influence hostile to the American sys- 
tem, which had been enunciated by Monroe and was now championed 
by Adams and Clay and accepted by Poinsett as the guiding principle 
of the relations of the American states. ^^ 

The influence which Poinsett was so pleased to see in control of af- 
fairs remained dominant. Some three months later he reported to Clay 
that the executive had openly avowed a change in policy from the cen- 
tralista party to the f ederalista. His agency in bringing about the change, 
he said, had drawn upon him the odium of the centralistas. They were 
declaring, he continued, his purpose to be to gain such an influence that 
the government would consent to any proposal he might make regard- 
ing limits. ^^ Not only was this not true; but events proved that if it 

31 Tornel, Breve Resena Historico, 38. 

32 Alaman, Historia de Mejico, V, 823. 

33 See Temperley, The Later American Policy of George Canning, American His- 
torical Review, XI, 779-797, the object of which article is to show that this policy 
"was intended to defeat certain claims and pretensions of the Monroe doctrine." 
Much interesting light remains to be cast on this matter of the conflicting interests 
of England and the United States at the Mexican capital and the conflicting in- 
trigues of Poinsett and Ward, by a careful study of Ward's correspondence with 
his government while charge in Mexico. 

3« Poinsett to Clay, Jan. 4, 1826, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., I. 



798 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

had been true Poinsett failed signally in his purpose. What Poinsett 
really did toward bringing about this change was known only to the 
few most intimately concerned and most interested in keeping it secret. 
Some things, however, became known, for, Poinsett said, "there are no 
secrets in Mexico." The uninitiated naturally suspected much more 
than existed; hence the criticisms and attacks that shortly began so 
seriously to embarrass Poinsett. 

Poinsett's relations with the yorkinos 

There was one matter in which Poinsett was involved that became 
public immediately. That was the organization of the York rite Masons 
which at once began pohtical activities and soon dominated the coun- 
try. Masonry was already flourishing in Mexico in spite of clerical 
opposition; but all of the lodges hitherto officially organized belonged 
to the Scottish rite. Their secrecy made them a fertile field for political 
intrigue. The centralista faction dominated them everywhere, and 
their influence was reactionary. The federalista faction felt that it was 
necessary to oppose them to prevent a return to a monarchical system. 
Just at the time when the changes were occurring in the government 
which Poinsett spoke of as the organization of an American party, and 
when that party was getting control of the cabinet, lodges of York 
Masons began to be organized. In his correspondence at the time Poin- 
sett did not hesitate to acknowledge that he had a part in their organiza- 
tion. In a letter of October 14, 1825, to Rufus King in London, he said 
he had encouraged and assisted in the organization of them and had 
entertained the members at his home. The meeting had been reported 
to Ward by Tornel as having been entirely political; and that gentleman 
had been given a false notion of the toasts. Subsequently Ward had 
given a diplomatic dinner to the Secretaries of State and foreign minis- 
ters to which he had not invited Poinsett. At this dinner Ward's friends 
had indulged in toasts allusive to pending negotiations between the 
United States and Mexico not of a very friendly tenor, and those toasts 
had been published at Ward's request. The factions which Poinsett 
classes as the enemies of the government, — the European Spaniards, 
the Bourbonists, and the centralistas, — had been displeased, he said, 



Poinsett's mission to Mexico 799 

at the good understanding that had hitherto existed between the repre- 
sentatives of England and the United States, and had worked on Ward 
to break it up. In closing, Poinsett said he would await information 
from King concerning opinion in London about Ward's activities before 
he attempted to retaliate for the insult which he felt Ward had offered. ^^ 
Poinsett did not say the purpose of the movement was political, 
neither did he say that it was not, although he said that it had been 
reported to have been such. The fact that the organization was effected 
at the very time that he was forming what he repeatedly spoke of as 
an American party, and that the leaders of that party were also leaders 
in the lodges, is presumptive evidence that he had some notion of the 
use to which they would be put. But later when the Yorkinos had 
enjoyed a phenomenal growth and when the names of the old centralista 
and federalista parties had everywhere been abandoned for the respec- 
tive designations, Escoceses (Scots) and Yorkinos, he said, in August 
of 1826, that he was sorry the Masonic meetings had become political. 
But he suggested an excuse for the faction which he favored by saying 
that the Escoceses had long existed and been hostile to the United States 
before the Yorkinos were organized. ^^ Two months later he reported 
that the elections which had just taken place for members of the State 
legislatures had gone generally in favor of the Yorkinos. The legisla- 
ture of the State of Mexico, hitherto controlled by the Escoceses, all of 
whom had been defeated in the election, refused to yield their seats to 
their victorious rivals. Thus triumphant in the State elections of 1826, 
the Yorkinos planned already to capture the presidency two years 
later; and Poinsett knew their plans. In a cipher paragraph of this 
despatch of October 21, 1826, he said: "The man who is held up as os- 
tensible head of the party and who will be their candidate for the next 
presidency is General Guerrero, one of the most distinguished chiefs of 
the revolution. Guerrero is uneducated but possesses excellent natural 
talents, combined with great decision of character and undaunted cour- 
ts Poinsett to Rufus King, Oct. 14, 1825, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., I. 
'8 Poinsett to Clay, Aug. 26, 1826, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., II. In this 
he said there was a third party called Los Piadosos, opposed to all Masonic influence, 
but that it received almost no support. In January he had written that Masonry 
was flourishing and that, except the President, all the cabinet and all the leading 
men in the country were Masons, even some of the higher clergy being members. 



800 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

age. His violent temper renders him difficult to control, and therefore 
I consider Zavala's presence here indispensably necessary, as he pos- 
sesses great influence over the general." He had just told of Zavala's 
having been offered the position of Mexican minister to the United 
States and said: ''I was not sorry that he declined it; he is one of the 
most efficient leaders of the party friendly to the United States, the 
Yorkinos, and is more useful here than he would be in Washington." 
He told of the schemes of those in the cabinet who were endeavoring to 
rid that body of the Yorkino dominance, said they exercised great in- 
fluence over the indecisive character of the President, and declared 
that if their schemes succeeded that official would find himself, as be- 
fore Poinsett's arrival, surrounded by a few supporters hostile to the 
majority in Congress and the country. ^^ A month later he reported 
that there were election disturbances; but that he did not expect a vio- 
lent rupture, and was using every effort on his part to prevent such.^^ 

On July 8, 1827, in explaining to Clay the attack of the legislature of 
the State of Vera Cruz upon him, studied below, Poinsett said the most 
serious charge made against him was that he had established the York 
Masons; and explained to Clay just what part he had in their organiza- 
tion. He regretted that Masonry should have been made an instru- 
ment of poHtical intrigue. He said lodges of York Masons had already 
existed in Mexico before his arrival; but that they were without charters. 
Members of these had asked him to secure a charter from the grand 
lodge of New York, which he had not hesitated to do. The persons who 
made the request were all members of the government or interested in 
maintaining the existing order of things and in preserving the tran- 
quihty of the country. He said they were General Guerrero, a distin- 
guished revolutionary officei ; Esteva, Secretary of the Treasury; Arispe, 
Secretary of Grace and Justice; Zavala, a member of the Senate and 
later governor of the State of Mexico; and Alpuche, a member of the 
Senate. He said he had no thought that such men had in view any 
project to disorganize the government. As soon as the Yorkinos were 
publicly accused of perverting the organization to political purposes,. 

^ Poinsett to Clay, Oct. 21, 1826, nearly all the facts here given being in cipher, 
MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., II. 
38 Poinsett to Clay, Nov. 15, 1826, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., II. 



Poinsett's mission to Mexico 801 

he said he withdrew from their meetings. Again he excused them by 
saying the Scottish rite Masons had long been organized, and their 
opponents had only followed their example in political activity. He 
said further that the progress of the Yorkino cause had been so rapid as 
to lead the people to attribute it to some secret cause. They see in 
this "the direction of some able hand, and have thought proper to at- 
tribute the success of the republican party, the consoHdation of the 
federal system, and the establishment of liberal principles exclusively 
to my influence." ^® 

Zavala, to whom Poinsett referred as friendly and so useful and a 
leading member of the Yorkino lodge, later published a brief account 
of the formation of the lodges. He says the project was formed by Al- 
puche and joined by Esteva, Arispe, Victoria and others; that its pur- 
pose was to oppose the Escoceses; that five lodges were formed; and 
that Poinsett was then asked to obtain for them a charter from the 
grand lodge of New York. This step and the installation of the grand 
lodge in Mexico, he says, was the only interference by this American, 
who, he continues, because of his share in the movement has been calum- 
niated by aristocrats and various European agents in Mexico who have 
taken more part than he in the affairs of the country. ^° Tornel, the 
bitter enemy of Poinsett, gives an account as prejudiced against him as 
Zavala's is in his favor. ^^ Nearly every writer on Mexican history of 
this period expresses an opinion on Poinsett's merit or demerit in the 
matter. Most of these writers have followed either Tornel or Zavala, 
and show their prejudice either for or against him.^^ 

58 Poinsett to Clay, July 8, 1827, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., III. 

*<> Zavala, Ensayo Historico, I, 346. This was published in 1831. Ibid., 385, says, 
"los periodicos del otro bando le acusaban de haber faltado a la primera obligacion 
de un ministro extrangero, que es la de no mezclarse en las cuestiones interiores del 
pais en que egercen su mision, y en donde no estan de consiguiente sugetos a las leyes 
comunes. La acusacion en el fondo era injusta." Ibid., 339, pays a glowing tribute 
to Poinsett's ability and acknowledges his uninterrupted friendship, which shows 
of course that he is a prejudiced witness. 

^^ Tornel, Breve Resena, 45. 

*2 Accounts bitterly condemning him are: Alaman, Historia de Mexico, V, 822, 824; 
Bocanegra, Memorias para la Historia de Mexico, I, 382, 389-395; ibid., II, 13, 17-22; 
Rivera, Historia de Jalapa, II, 366-369; and Zamacois, Historia de Mexico, XI, 620. 

H. H. Bancroft, History of Mexico, V, 32, quotes Zavala and exonerates Poinsett. 



802 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

VERA CRUZ MANIFESTO AGAINST POINSETT's INFLUENCE 

In the latter part of June, 1827, Poinsett was publicly and violently 
arraigned in a long manifesto issued by the legislature of the State of 
Vera Cruz. It declared that ''a sagacious and hypocritical foreign 
minister as zealous for the prosperity of his own country as inimical to 
-ours," being jealous of Mexican prosperity which would soon eclipse 
that of his own country, and jealous also of the friendly relations of 
Mexico with Great Britain which might prove disadvantageous to the 
interests of the United States, had established the York Masons, a hun- 
dred times more dangerous than twenty battalions of the tyrant of 
'Spain. For an invading army would be met as an enemy by a united 
country; but the Yorkinos had been organized to destroy the Escoceses 
-and the consequent internal dissensions were diffusing a want of confi- 
dence throughout the country, dividing it against itself. It declared 
that the Escoceses well deserved destruction for their ambition and 
centralist tendencies; but that many moderate men of that faction had 
been displaced that their positions might fall to their more ambitious 
opponents. It declared both Yorkinos and Escoceses injurious, and de- 
manded the enforcement of laws already existing which prohibited all 
Masonic associations.^^ 

A short time after this violent attack Poinsett published in Spanish 
a pamphlet which he called "An Exposition of the policy of the United 

Homero, Mexico and the United States, 349, says, "it seems that while he desired the 
success of the Yorkinos, he was not the founder of that lodge." Robinson, Mexico 
and her Military Chieftains, shows his lack of accuracy by saying, p. 146, "Mr. 
Poinsett, it may be presumed, never had any connection with either branch of the 
order in Mexico." McMaster, History of the People of the U. S., V, 540, states cor- 
rectly but briefly the part Poinsett took in organizing the lodges. Yoakum, in 
Comprehensive History of Texas, I, 124, gives a brief and substantially correct state- 
ment. 

*' "Manifesto of the Congress of Vera Cruz to the Mexican Nation," June 19, 
1827, translation covering 26 manuscript pages, enclosed with Poinsett to Clay, 
July 8, 1827, MSS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., III. A copy printed in Spanish is 
in the volume of Duplicate Despatches. It declared also that many Iturbidists 
were members of the York lodges and their purpose was to bring about the return 
of the empire with Iturbide's son at its head. This Poinsett considered too absurd 
to need argument. It is a fact that Iturbidists later cooperated with the Yorkinos; 
but that was probably due to the fact that the Bourbonists cooperated with the 
Escoceses. 



Poinsett's mission to mbxico 803 

States toward the Republics of America," replying to the charges in the 
manifesto. It argued the uniformly friendly policy of the United States 
and of himself for Mexico, and declared that far from being inimical to 
the prosperity of Mexico or the other republics the United States "are 
desirous to see their neighbors wealthy and powerful in order that they 
may be more efficient allies and more profitable customers." He quoted 
from a discourse which he had himself pronounced in favor of the recog- 
nition of these states, in which he had expressly refuted the argument 
that their prosperity would hurt the United States. Further, the United 
States were far from thinking the friendship of Great Britain for Mexico 
injurious to them. On the contrary, the United States invited Great 
Britain to join them in recognizing the new states; and when that was 
not done urged Great Britain to follow their example, and rejoiced 
when she did. In answer to the charge that he was controlling the pre- 
vailing party in the federal government, he argued that the vexatious 
delays in his negotiations proved the falsity of it. He declared that he 
liad had no part in the perversion of the Masonic lodges to political 
purposes, and that since they had been so perverted he had withdrawn 
from their meetings. He declared that he had not interfered with the 
internal concerns of the country unless advocating the superiority of 
republican institutions and explaining the workings of United States 
institutions be considered as interfering.^'* 

In a long letter of July 8, 1827, Poinsett explained to Clay the situa- 
tion and the events that led up to it. He said he had abstained from 
demanding satisfaction for this unprovoked and unjustifiable insult 
because the State of Vera Cruz had recently committed acts of rebellion 
against the sovereignty of the federal government and was then main- 
taining a defiant attitude. There was hardly any way short of civil 
war that the federal government could have forced the state to give 
satisfaction. If he had demanded satisfaction and had not promptly 
received it, he would have been compelled to demand his passports and 

** Poinsett's " Exposition of the Policy of the United States toward the Republics 
of America," dated July 4, 1827, enclosed with Poinsett to Clay, July 8, 1827, MSS. 
Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., III. A copy printed in Spanish is in the volume of 
Duplicate Despatches. It is also on the market in pamphlet form, though rare. 
English translations of it were printed in various newspapers of the United States 
at the time. The manuscript copy covers 16 pages. 



804 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

leave the country, placing the United States and Mexico in collision^ 
which he thought the governing faction in Vera Cruz desired. He 
regretted that the legislature of Vera Cruz had thus violated the law 
of nations and every principle of decency and good faith by publishing 
suspicions derogatory to the character of a friendly nation and the repu- 
tation of a foreign minister. But they were also guilty of violating the 
federal constitution. The maintenance of the federal form was sure 
to involve the central and local governments in disputes concerning 
sovereignty. The other States were giving proofs of attachment to the 
federal government and the State would have to submit. The general 
government had lamented the attack but was slow in acting and hitherto 
had lacked the energy to make itself obeyed in the State of Vera Cruz. 
He said the errors of Mexico ought to be viewed with indulgence. Their 
long period of political tutelage to Spain and their lack of experience in 
dealing with foreign nations was their only excuse. It was not strange 
that they should confuse the duties and rights of different organs of 
government. He said he had always made every effort to show the 
friendly disposition of the United States, and rendered cheerful service 
to those who applied for advice or assistance in the framing of laws or 
in understanding the working of constitutional principles. He had 
uniformly exhorted them to submit to any temporary evil rather than 
resort to violence. This conduct had drawn upon him the odium of 
those who sought to overthrow liberal institutions. The necessity for 
thus defending his conduct was painful, he said, but there was no al- 
ternative.^^ 

Before this explanation nad been received at Washington, Sergeant 
had returned from Mexico, where he had gone to cooperate with Poin- 
sett in the mission to the Congress of Tacubaya, the unsuccessful at- 
tempt at a continuation of the Panama Congress of the preceding year. 

*5 Poinsett to Clay, July 8, 1827, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., III. This letter 
covers 20 manuscript pages. Much of it is occupied with a review of the origin, 
composition, and principles of the Scottish party, and of the part he had taken in 
the organization of the York Masons, and the political activities of the Yorkinos 
to counteract that of the Escoceses. See above. 

Rivera, Historia de Jalapa, II, 426, gives a brief study of the Vera Cruz Mani- 
festo and the attendant rebellious movements in the State of Vera Cruz; most of 
the other Mexican historians cited in notes 40-42, above, discuss the manifesto. 



Poinsett's mission to mexico 805 

President Adams entered in his diary on August 1, the statement that 
"Mr, Sergeant thinks not favorably of the proceedings of Mr. Poinsett 
during his residence in Mexico." Adams also says that Sergeant had 
handed him a private letter from Poinsett in which the latter said he 
had received an intimation from the President of Mexico that his recall 
would be demanded. ^^ Obregon wrote his government that, in a con- 
ference some time in August, Clay had expressed disapproval of Poin- 
sett's conduct in so far as he had mixed in the internal affairs of the 
country. When the news of the Vera Cruz attack first arrived, about 
the middle of August, the National Journal had expressed the same 
sentiments as Clay; but on August 31 the National Gazette had praised 
Poinsett's conduct, and a few days later both the National Intelligencer 
and National Journal approved it. Consequently Obregon thought the 
government must have received further information convincing them 
that Poinsett's conduct was excusable, since one of these papers was 
official and the others were supporting the administration. The action 
of the legislature of Vera Cruz was looked upon as revolutionary, he 
said, and as showing a lack of respect for the federal government. It 
had been intimated to him that Poinsett would probably be recalled in 
spite of the approval of his conduct. ^'^ It was on August 31 that the De- 
partment of State received Poinsett's letter of July 8 with the enclosed 
manifesto and his answer. 

But Adams and Clay did not act precipitately nor enthusiastically in 
exonerating Poinsett. It was more than ten weeks after receipt of 
his explanation before they passed judgment. On November 19, 1827, 
Clay wrote Poinsett that the President approved his conduct and did 
not consider that he had interfered in the politics of Mexico, since no 
complaint had come from the Mexican Government of his conduct. 
It was thought best to make no formal complaint of the act of the Vera 
Cruz legislature; but Poinsett was asked to remonstrate informally to 
the President of Mexico, and say that if that government had any com- 
plaint to make concerning Poinsett the Government of the United States 
was ready to receive such in the regular manner. The President did 
not desire the termination of Poinsett's mission: but if his position had 

'^ Adams, Memoirs, VII, 312. 

*^ Obregon to Secretario, 13 de Septiembre de 1827, MS. Rel. Ext. 



806 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

become unpleasant and he desired to return he might. It had been 
rumored, he was told, that he would return. The matter was left en- 
tirely to his own feelings and discretion.^ 

Poinsett's political influence, and the montano revolt 

The Yorkino party, which had come into existence in 1826 and which 
before the end of the year had grown so strong as to carry most of the 
State elections, continued to grow and retained its influence. The Esco- 
ceses, unable to retain or regain influence and still attributing the growth 
and power of their opponents to the magic influence of Poinsett over the 
government and the Yorkino lodges, resorted first to innuendo and then 
to violence. Zavala, who was a Yorkino, says that in the papers which 
they established they declared with as much ignorance as impudence 
that so long as the Escoceses had control the government was tranquil 
and prosperous; but as soon as the Yorkinos attempted to take part 
disorder and anarchy prevailed. He says this is the argument of the 
tyrant who has monopolized power and wishes to keep it from the peo- 
ple. Just so, he continued, the King of Spain argued that so long as 
Spaniards were allowed to rule and the natives did nothing but obey 
all was quiet; but as soon, as the natives began to assert their rights the 
struggle began and peace vanished. ^^ The Yorkinos also published 
papers to advocate their cause, and these became the objects of sus- 
picion and attack from their opponents, who declared they were sub- 

48 Clay to Poinsett, Nov. 19, 1827, MS. Dept. of State, Instr., XII, 36. 

*8 Zavala, Ensayo Historico, I, 354. In the preceding seven pages he reviews the 
party strife. The tone of these newspaper criticisms of Poinsett and the government 
supposed to be dominated by him is indicated in the following extracts from the 
Voz de la Patria, II, num. 8, 15 de Febrero de 1830: "No afligan menos la Patria los 
males politicos que ya comenzaban a manifestarse, y cuyo origen fontal se debe casi 
esclusivamente a la instalacion de las logias de los yorkinos en Mexico, * * * 
Poinsett, el ^egulador y arbitro de este establecimiento, de que se ha Uamado Sumo 
Pontifice, muy luego procure sacar todo el partido posible para Uenar sus objetos 
principales; a saber, destruir nuestra Republica, y engrandecer la del Norte America, 
por ser on [en] su concepto incompatible la existencia de ambas. * * * La mano 
artera de Poinsett, mo via a su placer los hilos de esta trama: este hombre insidioso 
de la humanidad, y cuyo nombre hace temblar a las republicas de Chiloe y Buenos- 
Aires, de donde fue lanzado como una mala y danina bestia." 



Poinsett's mission to mexico 807 

sidized by Poinsett and working for the interests of the United States 
as opposed to those of Mexico. ^"^ 

On November 10, 1827, Poinsett reported to Clay an act which it is 
difficult to see how he could have defended from the charge of inter- 
fering in Mexican politics. As has been shown, Guerrero had been 
closely associated with what Poinsett frequently alluded to as the 
American or democratic party. He was also a member of the Yorkino 
lodges, an active spirit in their organization, and practically the head 
of the order. In October of 1826 Poinsett had predicted that Guerrero 
would be the Yorkino candidate for the next presidential election. He 
now proceeded to assist in making his prophecy come true. Against 
the wish of his friends in the government, Guerrero had declared that 
he was going to join the movement, at the time becoming popular, 
for expelling from Mexico all remaining European Spaniards. These 
friends appealed to Poinsett to persuade Guerrero to abandon his de- 
signs, and to await patiently the effect of his friends' efforts to have 
him elected next year as successor to Victoria. He had written the de- 
sired letter, Poinsett told Clay, and President Victoria had thanked 
him for writing it. Guerrero had replied in a tone of great intimacy, 
modestly declaring his unfitness for the high office which Poinsett had 
thus informed him his friends wished him to become a candidate for. 
Poinsett virtually admits that this was improper interference, because 
he tells Clay he wishes President Adams to understand that he had 
never taken any step toward interfering in the affairs of Mexico "with- 
out the knowledge and consent and generally at the solicitation of the 
government." ^^ If the government had been as subservient to Poinsett 
as his critics supposed it to be, he would have had no difficulty in ob- 
taining their consent. It was the suspicion that he and the govem- 

^ Aviraneta, a European Spaniard traveling in Mexico, was told in Vera Cruz 
"que el Mercurio es un peri6dico subencionado por Poinssete [sic] enviado de los 
Estados Unidos: es un periddico yorkino, para promo ver la espulsion de los comer- 
ciantes y proprietarios Espanoles del territorio del republica, y substituir la influencia 
del pueblo Yanki." See Aviraneta e Ibargoyen, Memorias Intimas 1825-1829, in 
D. Luis Garcia Pimentel, Documentos Historicos de Mejico, III, 45. Ibid., 58 says: 
"Los escritores del Mercurio son hombres vendidos al oro que desparrama Poinsset 
[sic] a manos llenas, entre los incautos mejicanos." Martinez, Sinopsis Historica de 
las Revoluciones, I, 58, gives a brief outline account of the party struggles. 

" Poinsett to Clay, Nov. 10, 1827, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., III. 



808 - THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

ment were in accord that occasioned their most serious criticism. But 
from the tone of Poinsett's letter to Clay it is evident here, as in other 
cases where his acts might be considered of doubtful propriety, that 
he was doing what he beUeved for the good of Mexico, and thought 
necessary to prevent the country from suffering serious evils which he 
thought he foresaw. 

The danger which he and Guerrero's friends foresaw this time was a 
real one. Within less than a month he reported that there had been 
insurrectionary movements in Puebla and Vera Cruz the purpose of 
which was to force those States to expel the European Spaniards. In 
the latter State it had accomplished its purpose immediately, the legis- 
lature yielding without resistance; but in the former it had resulted in 
bloodshed. These and similar movements elsewhere were being pro- 
moted by a secret society that had been organized for the purpose by 
leading members of the Yorkino party and modeled on the Italian 
Carbonari. The new organizations had spread rapidly and virtually 
controlled the whole country. They would manage the election of 
Guerrero in the coming campaign. ^^ 

Disturbances rapidly developed. Party controversy became more 
bitter. Poinsett reported on January 9, 1828, that the Escoceses, 
despairing of regaining their influence by peaceable means, had appealed 
to arms. He confesses that he had not foreseen this conflict because 
he did not think the leaders of that party would be so rash. On De- 
cember 23, preceding, the Plan of Montaiio had been proclaimed and a 
revolution started to force its adoption. The Plan contained four de- 
mands. The first was the extermination of all secret societies. The 
second was the dismissal of certain ministers. The fourth was the main- 
tenance of the existing constitution and laws. But the principal demand 
was the third, which was aimed directly at Poinsett and declared: "The 
Supreme Government shall, without an instant's delay, furnish the 
envoy of the United States to this Republic with his passports to leave 
the country." The fourth demand is the stock argument of the revolu- 
tionist that he is not trying to destroy the government or the laws but 

" Poinsett to Clay, Dec. 8, 1827, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., III. He said 
an act for the expulsion of the Spaniards was before the lower house of the National 
Congress and would probably pass. 



Poinsett's mission to Mexico 809 

to maintain them. The second grew out of the behef that the ministers 
were the tools of Poinsett and working for the interests of the United 
States. The purpose of the first was the destruction of what was con- 
sidered a gigantic organization which enabled Poinsett and his friends 
to dominate the country. Thus the other three demands grew out of 
and were but corollaries to the third, the ostensible purpose of which 
was to rid the country of what was felt to be the baneful influence of 
the American minister. As a matter of fact it was of course the des- 
perate effort of a disappointed and despairing political faction to regain 
control by voicing what was thought to be a popular demand. But 
they were mistaken in the strength of their cause, although at first it 
seemed formidable and had high official sanction. Nicholas Bravo, the 
Vice-President, and titular head of the Scottish Masons, took the field 
at the head of the revolutionary forces. But General Guerrero, titular 
head of the York Masons, led the government troops and overthrew 
Bravo and his associates in less than a month and with scarcely an 
effort. Movements similar to this and in sympathy with it were ex- 
pected to follow shortly in many places. In Vera Cruz the standard of 
revolt was raised and the governor headed the movement. Active 
measures prevented such elsewhere. Other States hastened to express 
their indignation and Vera Cruz retracted its position. 

The diplomatic corps in the city had openly advocated the cause of the 
insurgents; but Poinsett was sure that they had acted without instruc- 
tions. They had been deceived into thinking the movement would easily 
succeed because the social aristocracy belonged to Bravo's party. Poin- 
sett added: ''It is needless to say that I have pursued a different course. 
The cause of free institutions is the cause of America, and although 
I have taken no part in the contest and obtruded no advice, I have not 
withheld my opinion and counsel whenever it has been asked by this 
government or by those connected with it." Speaking of the demand 
that he be sent out of the country he declared : " These people [the Scot- 
tish party] persist in regarding me as the principal obstacle to their 
success and as directing not only the operations of the opposite party 
but of the government." In closing this long report of the revolt and 
its collapse, he said he considered the event fortunate since it had over- 
thrown the faction concerning whose plots there had been great uneasi- 



810 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

ness.^^ After telling, on February 9, of the collapse of the revolt, Poin- 
sett showed that he was thinking of making his escape from the con- 
tinual insinuations and attacks made by the party opposed to the gov- 
ernment. He said, "Although very desirous to avail myself of the 
permission of the President to terminate my mission, I shall wait until 
the treaties are ratified, and imtil I can leave this country without prej- 
udice to the interests which have been entrusted to me." ^^ 

The failure of the Montaiio revolt left the Yorkinos in control of the 
government. The fact that it had ostensibly been directed at Poinsett 
and had failed to drive him out of the country confirmed the popular 
notion of his magic influence over the government and country. ^^ In 
July, two months before they occurred, Poinsett wrote that excitement 
over the coming presidential elections was high, and there was talk of 
revising the election laws. He believed the popular party would prevail; 
but feared a revolution over this and the disordered finances. After 
the election and before the result was known, he wrote that the candi- 
date of the aristocratic party seemed to lead, and added that if Guerrero, 
the popular candidate, should not be elected he beheved the people 
would rise against the choice which should be made. On September 25, 
1828, he wrote that the election had resulted in the choice, by a very 
narrow majority, of Pedraza, the aristocratic candidate, over Guerrero, 
the popular nominee. In anticipation of this the radical Yorkinos had 
already appealed to arms in the State of Vera Cruz under the leadership 
of Santa Ana, who had raised a cry for the preservation of the federal 
system of government, for the sovereign rights of the people, for the 

53 Poinsett to Clay, Jan. 9, 1828, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., III. The most 
radical Yorkinos wished to execute the rebels. The Escoceses wished to proclaim 
an amnesty for all. Wisely a middle course was pursued and they were allowed to 
go into exile, and ultimately to return. See Bancroft, History of Mexico, V, 37-40; 
Rivera, Historia de Jala-pa, II, 450; Alaman, Historia de Mejico, V, 836-839. 

5* Poinsett to Clay, Feb. 9, 1828, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., III. 

^= Looking back, after Poinsett's departure, on the period of party strife during 
his mission, the Voz de la Patria, II, num. 14, 11 de Marzo de 1830, says: "Poinsett 
mandaba a Victoria, como a un pilhuanejo, y este no queria oir mas voz que la de 
Poinsett, * * * Poinsett Uevaba adelante su infliujo, y sacaba de el todo el 
partido posible. Figurabase ser algun dia el arbitro de la Nacion." 

Ibar's Muerte Politica de la Republica, num. 11, 20 de Mayo de 1829, speaks of 
"las miras ambiciosas de ese ministro estrangero, agente pagado por el gabinete de 
Norte-America para remacharnos las cadenas de la esclavitud." 



Poinsett's mission to Mexico 811 

immortal Guerrero, and for the expulsion of the European Spaniards. 
During the first four days of December there was fighting in the streets 
of Mexico City, Poinsett wrote the tenth of that month, which resulted 
in the complete success of the revolutionists. Pedraza, the president 
elect and, according to Poinsett, the cause of all the trouble, had fled, 
and Guerrero, the defeated candidate, was made Secretary of War in- 
stead of him in the cabinet of President Victoria. Notice had been 
sent to both factions struggling throughout the country to cease hos- 
tilities. The principal agent in effecting the revolution, Poinsett said, 
was Zavala, who had been forced into the ranks by unwise attacks on 
him in the Senate, charging him unjustly with having been in communi- 
cation with the insurrection. The Secretary of State had come to Poin- 
sett and revealed his fears that England or some other foreign power 
would interfere. Poinsett calmed his fears by declaring that no power 
had any right to interfere. During December the country was in a state 
of anarchy. But toward the end of the month most of the States had 
given in their adherence; and early in the new year the last resistance 
had ceased. Poinsett declared it to be his belief that it had been the 
federal institutions only that had saved Mexico from a military des- 
potism. He deplored the violence that had resulted but declared that, 
if ever a revolution could be justified, this was, for the oligarchy had 
again gotten control and the weak Victoria had yielded to them a sec- 
ond time. Many of the popular party had been imprisoned without 
cause. The election was by States, each having one vote cast by its 
legislature. When the votes were counted by the National Congress it 
was declared that Pedraza had received a majority of the votes, but 
that public opinion had pronounced so positively against him that even 
he had felt the necessity of resigmng all claims to the ofl&ce. In conse- 
quence of this the choice was reduced to the next highest. Therefore 
Guerrero was declared elected. During the remainder of the unexpired 
presidential term civil commotions continued in some of the States in 
resistance to the government and the declared result of the election; 
and the National Senate, still dominated by the aristocratic party, was 
also resisting the will of the people, especially in the matter of the ex- 
pulsion of Spaniards and in declaring amnesty for the participants in 
the late revolution. But early in March Poinsett reported that quiet 



812 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

had been restored throughout the country and the choice of Guerrero- 
seemed to be giving general satisfaction. And on April 3, 1829, he re- 
ported that Guerrero had been inaugurated as President the first of the 
month and the republic Was tranquil. On April 15, he said that the 
President seemed about to confine his cabinet to members of the popular 
party, which Poinsett considered a wise move. His friend, Zavala, had 
been made Secretary of the Treasury, and would, he thought, give gen- 
eral satisfaction.^^ 

In his long recapitulation on March 10, 1829 (for the benefit of the 
new Jackson administration at Washington) of all that had passed since 
he had been in Mexico, after telling how the members of the defeated 
Scottish party, and the representatives of the foreign powers had all 
abused him both publicly and privately, and after reviewing the attacks 
upon him by the legislatures of Vera Cruz and Puebla, and recounting 
the suspicions and charges against him in connection with the Montano 
revolt and the revolution following the elections of 1828, Poinsett de- 
clared his belief that "there is no instance on record of a foreign min- 
ister having been so persecuted in any country." He realized that it 
was hard to believe this hatred was not due to improper interference. 
But it had resulted purely from his efforts to prevent the encroachments 
of European powers. If he had chosen to witness such with indiffer- 
ence, he said he could have passed on smoothly and insignificantly. 
But he did not think this the proper course; and had cheerfully borne 
the obloquy which his conduct had brought upon him, caring only that 
his actions should be fully understood in the United States and es- 
pecially by the government.^'' It should be noticed here again that 

^^ This account of the campaign, the election, and the results, is taken entirely 
from Poinsett's letters to Clay running throughout the nine months, as follows: 
July 16, 1828; Sept. 17, 1828; Sept. 25, 1828; Oct. 22, 1828; Dec. 10, 1828; Dec. 17, 
1828; Dec. 24, 1828; Dec. 27, 1828; Jan. 8, 1829; Jan. 10, 1829; Jan. 23, 1829; Jan. 31, 
1829; March 3, 1829; April 3, 1829; and April 15, 1829. MSS. Dept. of State, Mex., 
Desp., IV. 

" Poinsett to Clay, March 10, 1829, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., IV. In 
this long letter covering 42 pages, commenting further on the persons and principles 
involved in the recent revolutionary events, he said that Pedraza was a political 
turncoat; he had fought dxiring the war for independence in the Spanish service 
against the insurgents; he went as a deputy to the Cortes; on his return he became 
a minister of Iturbide; afterward he was a leader in the overthrow of Iturbide and an 



POINSETT S MISSION TO MEXICO 813 

Poinsett does not claim not to have interfered in Mexican political 
affairs, but endeavors to defend his actions from the charge of im- 
proper interference, by explaining his motive. 

POINSETT RECALLED AT MEXICO's REQUEST 

The opposition to the election of Guerrero acquiesced in his inaugura- 
tion in April of 1829 and it seemed for a time that his administration 
would succeed in maintaining quiet in the country. But the opposition to 
Poinsett, who was popularly supposed to have been largely instrumental 
in bringing about the victory of the new government, never ceased. 
Attacks by the pubUc press became more frequent, more virulent, and 
more unreasonable. A periodical of June 6, 1829, asked in inflammatory 
language why all Mexicans did not unite in one terrific cry that would 
penetrate the sordid deafness of those controlling the government de- 
adherent of the Scottish party; on the discovery of the plot of Friar Arenas and the 
connection of the Scottish party with it, he deserted that party and won popularity 
in the punishment of those conspirators and in assisting to overthrow General Bravo; 
he became Secretary of War; when it was desired to divide the York party he was 
chosen as the instrument, having friends in all of the opposing factions. His success 
in the election was due to the fact that some of the State legislatures had been chosen 
while the Scottish party was in the lead. The senate and supreme court of the fed- 
eral government were also still of that faction. He believed if the reactionary fac- 
tions had used their advantages with moderation they could have retained power; 
but their persecution drove Santa Ana, Zavala, and others to take refuge in revolu- 
tion. 

Poinsett defended the army that took the City of Mexico by assault, and said 
the cruelties that had been attributed to it were greatly exaggerated. He blamed 
the government for not having prevented the attack on the city by a vigorous de- 
fence at first, and in the absence of that by accepting the proffered opportunity to 
capitulate before the attack. 

The opposition of the recent revolutionists to the Spaniards, he said, could be ex- 
plained by reviewing the political interference of the Spaniards, who had been uni- 
formly trying to restore Spanish control. The Senate still refused to pass a law ex- 
pelling the Spaniards as the revolutionists demanded, because the Spaniards had 
uniformly supported the Scottish party, which still prevailed in that body. He feared 
this might cause some further disturbance. 

For reviews of the election of 1828 and the revolution following, see Bancroft, 
History of Mexico, V, 40-45; Zavala, Ensayo Historico, II, 101-148; Alaman, Historia 
de Mejico, V, 839-843; Zamacois, Historia de Mejico, XI, 671-715. Zavala's account 
is of course prejudiced in favor of the revolution, in which he was one of the chief 
leaders. 



814 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

manding that the country should rid itself of that bold and intriguing 
minister, the sole source of all of the country's evils and miseries. On 
June 24 the same periodical declared that if the Republic of North 
America really wished to show that she desired the friendship and good 
faith of Mexico she ought to order this astute and intriguing minister 
to withdraw from Mexican soil. Let those States know that the Mexican 
nation detested him and justly desired his expulsion. ^^ On July 15, Poin- 
sett wrote that Mexico was in a critical condition. The dissolution of 
the confederacy seemed inevitable unless some popular military chief 
seized control to save it; and that would be a death blow to free institu- 
tions. Added to the danger of invasion from Spain was the opposition 
in the States to the federal government and the dissensions between 
States. Many Mexicans were so desirous of changing the form of the 
government that they would rather deliver the country to a foreign 
prince than see it continue in its present form. He believed European 
governments were intriguing to bring about such; and said he would 
like to know the attitude of the administration. For himself, he thought 
it could not accord with the interests of the United States to permit 
any European power to obtain undue influence in these states. ^^ 

At the end of July, 1829, the legislature of the State of Mexico ad- 
dressed a memorial to President Guerrero requesting the dismissal of 
Poinsett. It was a long diatribe based confessedly not on facts proved 
but on a general belief that he was secretly opposed to the interests of 
Mexico, that he was the cause of discord in Mexico, and that his pres- 
ence was undesirable. It called to witness the cry of alarm which was 
resounding throughout the repubhc against him. It declared that his 
character as a diplomat ought to have caused him to refrain from all 
interference in internal affairs. The legislature would not say, as some 
thought, that he was the controlling spirit of the administration; but 
it was well known that he had been instrumental in organizing one of 
the secret societies whose struggle was the cause of the country's dis- 

^ Ibar, Muerte PoUtica de la Republica Mexicana, num. 15, 6 de Junio de 1829; 
ibid., num. 19, 24 de Junio de 1829; ibid., num. 1, 11 de Marzo, num. 6, 23 de Abril, 
and num. 26, 18 de Julio de 1829. The last declares that it is also said with some 
reserve that Poinsett was a paid agent of the Madrid government to assist in the 
Spanish reconquest. 

^9 Poinsett to Van Buren, July 15, 1829, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., IV. 



POINSETT S MISSION TO MEXICO 815 

asters. It had been suggested that the interests of the United States 
being opposed to those of Mexico, made it desirable to prolong the dis- 
cord in the latter and the agent of those States was maintained in Mexico 
for that purpose. Whether this suspicion was true or not the character 
of their envoy was such as to adapt him for carrying out such a policy. 
His natural talents, his smooth and elegant manner, his erudition, his 
cheerful disposition, and his professed devotion to republicanism all 
adapted him for political manipulations. If this was not the policy of 
that government, why did not the President or cabinet at Washington 
voluntarily recall him, knowing the discord he was causing, to prevent 
new catastrophes and avoid compromising the friendly relations of 
the countries? In closing, the legislature requested the President of 
the Repubhc to give orders that Poinsett be given his passports to leave 
the country,^" In the following weeks the legislatures of several other 
States made the same request. A few days after the first attack Poinsett 
pubhshed a lengthy reply to the suspicions and charges, declaring that 
they were without foundation. In this he said he felt compassion rather 
than anger, and closed with a paternal exhortation breathing good will 
for the Mexican people as a whole in spite of the attacks a faction were 
making upon him. He declared there was no jealousy in the United 
States for Mexico, but a desire for the latter's prosperity; and appealed 
to Mexicans to imitate the institutions and the characteristics which 
made the United States great.^^ 

In Poinsett's letter to Van Buren of August 7, telling of the mani- 
festo and his reply, he said he would be sensibly mortified in reporting 
the attacks that had been made on him if he could attribute them to 
any misconduct or want cf prudence on his part. He declared that the 
suspicions and conjectures were utterly unfounded; and said he had 
not interfered in the internal affairs of the country nor deviated from 
the frank, open, manly policy which distinguishes the intercourse of 

*" " Manifesto of the Legislature of the State of Mexico," Tlalpam, 31 de JuHo de 
1829, MS. Rel. Ext. A translation of this is enclosed with Poinsett to Van Buren, 
Aug. 7, 1829, MS. Dept. of State, Max., Desp., IV. A pamphlet containing the same 
printed in Spanish also accompanies. 

61 Poinsett's reply, Aug. 2, 1829, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., IV, enclosed with 
Poinsett to Van Buren, Aug. 7, 1829. The English translation covers 26 pages. 
The same printed in Spanish accompanies. 



816 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

the United States. He was not conscious, he said, of any offense, unless 
his uncompromising republican principles and friendly intercourse with 
leaders of the popular party could be considered such. He said the 
aristocratic, monarchical, and European factions which were in control 
when he arrived in the country attributed their fall to him; but it was 
really due to the institutions of the country. They still believed him 
the soul of the existing government and wished to overthrow him. He 
said this faction were telling the people of Mexico that the United States 
was jealous of Mexico and had instructed him to throw obstacles in the 
way of progress. They even went so far as to say that the cabinet in 
Washington had caused the death of their minister Obregon (who had 
committed suicide) and therefore they argued publicly that the people 
of Mexico would be justified in assassinating Pomsett. He said he had 
had frequent interviews with President Guerrero, who had expressed 
his regret at the attack and his own satisfaction with Poinsett's conduct, 
and had spoken in strong terms of the infamy of those who thus sought 
to interrupt the friendly relations of the two republics. The President 
said he regarded it really as an attack on those in control of the govern- 
ment.®^ Although Poinsett asserts that he had not interfered in the 
internal affairs of the country, and asserts that he was not conscious of 
any offense, yet in this very defense of his conduct he admits his friendly 
intercourse with members of the popular party, and by imphcation his 
unfriendliness for the members of the opposing factions. This was ex- 
actly their complaint against him. 

Poinsett's frequent and lengthy defenses of his conduct in his corre- 
spondence with the government at Washington were apparently occa- 
sioned by a feeling that his conduct was not fully approved there. Com- 
munications from Clay had been very infrequent for some time before 

62 Poinsett to Van Buren, Aug. 7, 1829, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., IV. 

Zavala, who was in the ministry of Guerrero at the time of the legislative attacks, 
but who resigned soon after, says that behind all these could be seen the hand of 
two other ministers, Herrera and Bocanegra. The timid and uncertain policy of 
Guerrero, who was aware of their plans, he says, enabled them to do this. Zavala, 
Ensayo Historico, II, 197. Ibar, Muerte Politica, num. 32, 8 de Agosto de 1829, said: 
"iQuien fue el que mando asesinar a nuestro enviado a los Estados-Unidos del Norte, 
al virtuoso Obregon? Poinsett. Conocidas son las intrigas de este ministro infame, 
y hoy se han presentado a todo luz." 



Poinsett's mission to Mexico 817 

the close of the Adams administration; and it was several months be- 
fore Van Buren, the new Secretary of State wrote to him, except on 
matters of mere routine. This neglect was the occasion of some com- 
plaint by Poinsett. Finally, on October 16, 1829, the Jackson govern- 
ment passed its opinion on his conduct. Van Buren said he regretted 
to learn that there was a prejudice against Poinsett of the strongest and, 
there was every reason to fear, of the most incurable type; and con- 
tinued: "The only ground upon which this state of feeling appears to 
be justified, is the allegation on the part of those who entertain it, that 
you have availed yourself of your situation to intermeddle in the domes- 
tic affairs of that Republic. The suspicions entertained on this subject — 
the existence of which he sincerely deprecates — the President feels 
himself justified, by all the information of which he is possessed, in 
considering without just cause. The fact that no complaint has at 
any time been made by the authority to which you are accredited, which 
would be the most likely to be informed of such interference, if it did 
exist, and the first to feel aggrieved thereby; your knowledge of the 
established policy of this government in that respect, and its decided 
repugnance to all intermeddling in the internal concerns of other states; 
your own assurance to the contrary; and the confidence which the Presi- 
dent reposes in your discretion and patriotism — secure him from the 
apprehension that the present embarrassed state of our affairs with 
that country is attributable to the indiscretion of the representative of 
the United States." But, he said, whatever the cause of those suspicions 
might be, they existed and were believed by the President to interfere 
in the relations of the two countries. Since Poinsett, availing himself 
of the permission granted by the preceding administration, had already 
expressed a wish to return, the President, Van Buren said, "gives his 
assent to your resignation. It is, however, his anxious wish that your 
return should not be attended by any circumstances which might wear 
the appearance of censure, or afford countenance to the imputations of 
your enemies." The way to prevent this "assent to your resignation" 
from having the appearance of censure was outlined in the following 
paragraph. If by the time he should receive this letter there should 
have been such an effectual change in sentiment toward him in Mexico 
as to render his continuance agreeable and to lead him to think he could 



818 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

carry into effect the views of his government, it would accord with the 
President's wishes that he should remain where he was. He was to be 
at liberty to speak freely in his interviews with public men of his free- 
dom of election to return or remain. ®^ 

Jackson and Van Buren apparently had no expectation that there 
would be such a change in sentiment toward Poinsett that he would 
think of remaining. The belief that the prejudices were of an incurable 
character had been expressed in the beginning; and the whole tone of 
the letter, especially the instructions concerning taking leave, seem to 
assume that he would return. A charge was appointed and sent to take 
his place. The apparently optional character of the recall seems to 
have been simply a device to "save the face" of Poinsett. Unless 
there should be an "effectual change in sentiment" there was really 
no option. 

But if the apparent option in Poinsett's recall had been a real option 
on October 16, a chain of circumstances which had been in operation 
for more than three months culminated the next day to make his recall 
positive. On October 17 Montoya, the Mexican charge in Washington, 
handed to Van Buren a letter from the President of Mexico to the Presi- 
dent of the United States demanding the recall of Poinsett. This had 
been written on July 1, 1829, a full month before the manifesto of the 
legislature of the State of Mexico had been presented to Guerrero re- 
questing him to order that passports be given to Poinsett. President 
Guerrero said to President Jackson: 

Of late, public opinion has pronounced itself against him in the most 
conclusive, general and decided manner, as appears from the writings 
published almost every day in nearly all the states of the confederation. 
The public clamor against Mr. Poinsett has become general, not only 
among the authorities, and men of education, but also among the vul- 
gar classes; not only among the individuals who suspected him, but 
also among many of those who have been his friends. To Mr. Poinsett 
are attributed the misfortunes which have befallen the Republic, and 
it has even been unhesitatingly supposed that he had a direct influence 
over the proceedings of the Government, in consequence of which they 
have not been received by the public with the respect which is due to 
them. Owing to the general distrust of Mr. Poinsett the relations be- 

^' Van Buren to Poinsett, Oct. 16, 1829, MS. Dept. of State, Instructions, American 
States, XIV, 141. 



Poinsett's mission to mexico 819 

tween the two republics have not been attended with that success which 
had been anticipated. 

The fact that Poinsett's recall had not previously been demanded in 
spite of the fact that his presence had caused these embarrassments 
is suggested as evidence that the Mexican Government was unwilling 
to do anything to disturb friendly relations. 

But things have now arrived at such a point that the Government of 
Mexico would fail in its performance of its most essential duties if it 
forbore from asking of that of the United States the recall of its minis- 
ter. * * * The course of events may be such as to require of the Gov- 
ernment of Mexico, as a duty, the exercise of its rights to grant the 
necessary passports to Mr, Poinsett before the receipt at Mexico of the 
answer of the Government of the United States of America. In such 
case (which God forbid) the Government of Mexico trusts that that 
of the United States of America, which is characterized by the impar- 
tiality and liberality of its principles and institutions, will appreciate 
the propriety of a step of this nature, which it would itself adopt if 
placed in the same situation and under similar circumstances-^* 

In the note to Montoya enclosing this demand for Poinsett's recall, 
the Mexican Government told its charge that it wished to do nothing to 
disturb peaceable relations with the United States; but instructed him 
to ask an audience, express a sincere desire to preserve harmony, ex- 
plain the situation in Mexico with respect to the United States minister, 
and say that the Mexican Government finds itself unhappily but neces- 
sarily compelled to ask that minister's recall.^^ 

On October 17, Van Buren added a postscript to his letter of the 
preceding day to Poinsett revoking the option of remaining or return- 
ing, thus making it a positive recall. He added: "In the absence of a 
contrary allegation on the part of the Mexican Government, and confid- 
ing in your assurances, he [President Jackson] still allows himself to 
believe that the prejudices against you are without just cause." ^^ Al- 

" Guerrero to Jackson, [July 1, 1829], MS. Dept. of State, Notes from Mexican 
Legation, I, enclosed with Montoya to Van Buren, Oct. 17, 1829. The Spanish 
original of Guerrero's letter accompanies this translation. 

65 Secretario to Montoya, 1 de Julio de 1829, MS. Rel. Ext. 

86 P. S. Oct. 17, to Van Buren to Poinsett, Oct. 16, 1829, MS. Dept. of State, Instr., 
Am. Sts., XIV, 141; Jackson to Guerrero, Oct. 17, 1829, MS. Rel. Ext. 

A postscript of Oct. 17, attached to Van Buren to Butler, Oct. 16, indicates that 
Jackson and Van Buren thought the attacks on Poinsett due to the failure of the 



820 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

though the Jackson administration thus officially exonerated Poinsett 
again, yet the wording is such as to indicate that the approval was not 
very enthusiastic and was given only because there was no positive 
assertion by the Mexican Government that the prejudice against him 
was with just cause. There is a slight indication that the administra- 
tion was not fully convinced of Poinsett's innocence, or was somewhat 
provoked at his conduct, in the fact that on this same day, October 17, 
a draft which Poinsett had drawn on the Department was protested 
because of what was regarded as a small irregularity in the way Poinsett 
had retained for himself the sum of money due to the difference in the 
rate of exchange between the two countries.^^ The matter could have 
been arranged in a manner less humiliating to Poinsett had it been so 
desired. This seems to have been "the last straw which broke the 
camel's back." In Montoya's letter to his government telling of his 
presenting the demand for the recall, he too assumed the innocence of 
Poinsett because of the absence of allegations of his guilt. He said he 
was persuaded there were no grounds for the charges made in Mexico 
that the United States was jealous of the prosperity of Mexico.^^ 

In the instructions which were written on October 16 for Butler, 
who was to take Poinsett's place if the latter should return, there is a 

Mexican Government to protect him adequately rather than to his actions. House 
Docs., 25th Cong. 2d sess., No. 351, p. 52. 

Jackson's reasons for recalling Poinsett, quoted from the Jackson MSS., are printed 
in Reeves, Diplomacy under Tyler and Polk, 68. 

" Van Buren to Poinsett, Oct. 17, 1829, MS. Dept. of State, Instr., Am. Sts., XIV, 
148. When Poinsett was embarrassed by learning that his draft had been protested, 
he said he regretted that this had been thought necessary, since he would have made 
good the difference with pleasure if he had known the Department wished. He ex- 
plained how he had been drawing for his salary and why he had done so, and closed 
by saying he will "be perfectly content with the decision of the Department with- 
respect to the draft for £100 on London provided the government will refund the 
amounts for which I have given them credit, on account of the favorable state of 
exchange between Mexico and the United States." Poinsett to Van Buren, Dec. 9,. 
1829, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., IV. 

88 Montoya to Secretario, 19 de Octubre de 1829, MS. Pel. Ext. 

For brief discussions of Poinsett's recall, see McM aster, History of the People of 
the United States, V, 549; Bancroft, History of Mexico, V, 81; Bocanegra, Memorias, 

I, 382 and II, 23; Zamacois, Historia de Mexico, XI, 810; Zavala, Ensayo Historico,. 

II, 197; Mayo, Political Sketches, 95. 



Poinsett's mission to Mexico 821 

positive statement of the government's desire that such actions as 
Poinsett's should not be repeated. Van Buren said: 

With respect to your future official correspondence with the Govern- 
ment of Mexico, and your intercourse, public and private, with the 
people and their functionaries, the past strongly admonishes you to 
avoid giving any pretext for a repetition against yourself of the imputa- 
tions which have been cast upon Mr. Poinsett, of having interfered in 
the domestic concerns or politics of the country; or even showing any 
partiality towards either of the parties which now appear to divide the 
Mexican people. The manifestation of such a preference, or of any 
connexion, remote as it might be, with their political associations, might 
again be construed into a wish to influence or foment their pax L^' divi- 
sions. The President, therefore, expects you to exercise the most sedu 
lous care in guarding against similar imputations, and wishes you to 
use your utmost endeavors in allaying the irritation which seems to per- 
vade a large portion of the people, and to do away [with] the groundless 
and unjust prejudices which have been excited against the government 
of the United States. A social, open, and frank deportment towards men 
of all classes and all parties; a proper degree of respect for their opinions, 
whatever they may be; a ready frankness in explaining the true policy 
of your government, without attempting to obtrude your views where 
they are not desired; and the most guarded care in condemning or cen- 
suring theirs, are among the means which the President would suggest 
as most likely to command the confidence of the people, and to secure 
for yourself a proper standing in the opinion of their public function- 
aries.69 

It was on December 9, 1829, that Poinsett's recall reached him.^° 
The Mexican Government had not found it necessary to give him his 
passports as Guerrero's letter demanding his recall said might have to 
be done. But Poinsett had himself asked permission, in a letter of 
November 4 to return home.^^ On December 25 he had a conference 
with the provisional executive and took formal leave.^- On the last 

89 Van Buren to Butler, Oct. 16, 1829, House Docs., 25th Cong. 2d sess., No. 53, 
p. 51. It should be mentioned that Butler's conduct in Mexico was worse than 
Poinsett's, his motives less pure, and that his recall was also demanded. 

'" Poinsett to Van Buren, Dec. 9, 1829, acknowledging receipt of his recall, MS. 
Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., IV. 

71 Poinsett to Van Buren, Nov. 4, 1829, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., IV. This 
says he had asked the commander of the United States squadron in the West Indies 
to send a warship to the Mexican coast to take him from the country. 

7^ Poinsett to Van Buren, Dec. 26, 1829, saying he had taken leave the preceding 
day and expected to depart January 2, 1830, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., IV. 



822 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 

day of the year the Provisional President of Mexico, in a letter to the 
President of the United States, acknowledged the latter's note of Oc- 
tober 17 announcing Poinsett's recall, and said that act was looked upon 
as a testimony to the sincere' friendship of the United States for Mexico.^^ 

William R. Manning. 

A new revolution had overthrown Guerrero, who had taken flight, and Vice President 
Bustamante took control. Poinsett to Viesca, 15 de Diciembre de 1829, asked an 
audience to present his letter of recall. Secretario de Relaciones to Poinsett, 24 de 
Diciembre, in reply appointed December 25. Poinsett left Mexico January 3, 1830, 
and arrived at New Orleans February 2. Poinsett to Van Buren, New Orleans, 
Feb. 3, 1830, MS. Dept. of State, Mex., Desp., IV. 

7s Provisional President to President of the United States, 31 de Diciembre de 
1829, MS. Rel. Ext. Accompanying this is Secretario to Poinsett, 31 de Diciembre, 
granting the privilege to leave and assigning an escort. 

About the middle of December a circular letter was sent by the central govern- 
ment to the governors of the States telling of Poinsett's recall. This and congratula- 
tory replies to it from fifteen State governments are in an expediente in MSS. Rel. 
Ext. 



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